We are in an age of decay. The traditional parties of democracy have long since outlived their usefulness, and now that decline is visible in the “outsider” campaigns of Sanders and Trump. The established parties have lost virtually all contact with life on the ground for the majority of the masses, and then they act surprised when they witness the unpopularity of the Establishment come to the surface. Sanders and Trump represent this phenomenon in political form. But their presence also offers us the solution to stem decay.
While diametrically opposed on most issues, Sanders and Trump share the virtue of shaking up their respective parties — an irony being that neither has a strong identification with their “party” in the first place. The ruling class is starving the country of investment, and only Sanders and Trump are articulating any opposition to it.
Too many of our fellow ruling class members have forgotten that 5% is an inaccurate count of unemployment. According to Shadow Government Statistics, the real unemployment rate is practically 23 percent, nearly the 25 to 29 percent Trump proclaimed in a recent victory speech.
We have forgotten how the Clinton administration readjusted the way unemployment was counted (by changing the formula for the price-inflation index) — to the great despair of many honest wonks such as Paul Craig Roberts. We forget that US unemployment is at near third-world levels. This ought to be a wake-up call to the ruling class. We invite unrest and uncomfortable questions with our disinterest in the masses’ plight and without recognizing that we actually need to give them something to keep them passive and submissive. Is it not better to give them jobs and a minimum wage before they demand fundamental freedom, independence and autonomy?
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A successful Trump win would destroy the Republican Party, which is no longer a flexible voice of the ruling class among the masses. By flexibility, we mean that the Conservative faction (along with the Liberal Party) is no longer cognizant of the needs of society in order to respond to and pacify them. It has become an extremist corporate party that refuses investment in all things not big business. Its potential destruction at the hands of Trump is welcomed by the Preservation Society.
Largely ignored by its leaders, the conservative electorate turns to Trump. But the Donald’s outlandish behavior even before becoming president, as we stated, would likely destroy the Conservative Party for many years. Or we may see the party descend into a click of authoritarian muscle for some part of the ruling class that fills the vacuum of the former Republican Party with Trump as its head. Either way, the ruling class, as now constituted, may find itself without a large effective vehicle with which it propagandizes its subjects. More frightening no less for the ruling class than the for the masses, a majority of the ruling class may feel compelled to support that small but extremely savage but potentially well organized group coming out of the remnants of the Republican party.
Then again, in an effort to curb the mogul, the Republican Party may yet find it in their hearts to actually listen to their constituents and throw them a bone, and thus save the party and the status quo. After all, the masses are not demanding a revolution — and that is what we want to prevent. The man with the orange hair may be the savior of the Republican Party after all, except that Trump is not ultimately desirable. He is too much of a wild card. We may be able to count on his support for the ruling class, but he is not part of the ruling Establishment. He is not following the script because he does not know it. Nor are there guarantees that he will follow the agenda. Nor does The Donald seem to be prone to taking orders. There are too many variables involved with the tycoon. He does not present a digestible option for the us. However, despite the dangers involved, The Preservation Society welcomes his shake up of the status quo.
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The profit and entrepreneurialism of the wealthy are all that matters today, more or less as always. But today there is no return to the masses anymore. Many years ago, much in society had been protected from the predations of capitalism (while simultaneously being threatened), such as social security, education, pensions and utilities. Now everything is up for sale. And social investment, such as that which Sanders is offering, while in previous times seen as vital, is now anathema to the ruling class cabal. The Establishment today views public investment as impossible and implausible. The government refuses to get public works going, preferring instead to hand out money to special interests (read corporate interests) that then either invests in padding dividends for themselves, or buying back their own stocks to increase their price value. We in the superior orders are holding back this money from the public and declining social investment, because we can. Nobody is challenging us about hoarding money, or our schemes for continuously funneling money upward in a parasitic spiral of fraud.
A Sanders win would force the Democratic Party to confront itself. Are the Keynesian reformers, which is what Sanders actually is, going to win, or the Establishment corporate “free-trading” Democrats? We believe you can have both to a reasonable degree with Sanders. The caveat being that a Sanders campaign must offer a token but real policy that would help the rank and file. This is not going to happen within the current Democratic paradigm which Hillary Clinton will undoubtedly continue.
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The Preservation Society thinks back to the Great Depression and sees that Keynesianism saved capitalism and stabilized the masses, and — crucially — did not threaten great wealth significantly, for no one can deny that great wealth existed then and is stronger and greater today!
While the New Deal set in place a regime that would spread wealth in a slightly healthier but, ultimately, inoffensive manner, for years to come, war investment made everyone richer and eliminated some excess population. This strikes us as the best option for society, rather than going in the direction of revolution in the manner of the Communist Russians, or the reaction of Nazi Germany. It is quite unlikely, however, that without ruling class support Sanders cannot win, therefore it is necessary that as many ruling class members as possible support his candidacy — because we know most will not.
Sanders’s faithful adherence to New Deal liberalism unmasks the Democrats as the conservatives they have become. They used to talk about universal health care, affordable college and canceling unpopular trade deals — the very trade deals that Bill Clinton passed with the vocal support of Hillary Clinton. Recently, she has voiced support the TPP which would fundamentally change society and therefore affect the ruling class in unpredictable and perhaps undesirable ways. Now she’s against the TPP just in time for the election, but she has apparently promised Tom Donahue of the US Chamber of Commerce of her support upon winning the White House. Since Sanders has been pushing these issues in his campaign, Establishment Democrats sound like Republicans, claiming that Sanders is promising pipe dreams with the age old cry “we can’t afford it!”, even as Democrats join in spending liberally on war and corporate welfare.
The Preservation Society emphasizes that we are absolutely pro-business, pro-free-trade, and unfettered capitalism. Many members of the Preservation Society not only support questionable policies like TPP but actively help to write them and pursue their implementation. Yet we acknowledge the danger these policies pose to a stable society. We believe all powerful and influential capitalists need to recognize this, and the opportunity that lies before them to rejuvenate the masses’ faith in their superiors, and to win their support through a Sanders tenure. FDR did not enter office intending to pass a New Deal but found it the best course. Let us not forget that the very first welfare state was implemented by a conservative feudalist named Bismarck in order to win the liberals and unify the German state against the popularity of socialism. A Sanders New Deal could renew faith in America, and thus the ruling class, once again.
A little “socialism” now keeps the socialists away tomorrow.